{"id":36522,"date":"2025-11-25T14:37:24","date_gmt":"2025-11-25T19:37:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/?post_type=article&#038;p=36522"},"modified":"2025-12-15T13:39:14","modified_gmt":"2025-12-15T18:39:14","slug":"the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/publications\/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america","title":{"rendered":"The Bills That Destroyed Urban America"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">Think of what the typical American city looks like today: its hollowed-out core dotted with parking lots, its run-down inner-city neighborhoods, its sprawl.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>How did this happen? Cities weren\u2019t like this a hundred years ago. They were real cities in the sense in which most people would understand the word, with jobs, businesses, houses, churches, and every other institution related to daily life concentrated around a dense center. Today, cities are almost the inverse of that, with a large population settled out in sprawl, and a hollowed-out center where far fewer people live.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Conversations about this transformation typically collapse into a focus on attitudes about cars. On one extreme, urbanists blame an American fetish for SUVs and highway construction for our lack of charming walkable neighborhoods and the destruction of areas that might have developed into such places. On the other extreme, suburbanists view urbanists as anti-car fanatics who want to use government policy to choke off the low-density single-family housing development that has characterized America since World War II.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>What they both tend to overlook is that almost all Americans today have spent their entire lives under a set of federal laws and rules that have helped hollow out the cores of our cities. Uncle Sam played a decisive role in creating the distinctive sprawling pattern we all now take for granted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yes, the rise of mass-produced cars is a big reason cities today sprawl. But it can\u2019t explain why European cities developed so differently, given that their residents adopted the automobile around the same time as Americans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The explanation lies elsewhere: in the unintended consequences of a set of well-meaning choices by federal lawmakers in the 1930s and 1940s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The first choice was an ambitious, even utopian, initiative meant to transform American cities for the age of the automobile and suburbanization. An example of a kind of central planning rarely seen in the United States, these bills were meant to make housing in the city affordable, clean, and safe, and to limit urban blight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The second legislative choice was a series of bills initially passed to meet the needs of home borrowers during the Great Depression and the aftermath of World War II. Those subsidies, granted at the individual level and thus decentralized, would help build out the suburbs, and come to be the defining characteristic of U.S. housing policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Within a generation, the first of the two \u2014 the urban renewal and public housing effort \u2014 would be abandoned. But the second one \u2014 the subsidies for mortgages and private housing \u2014 would remain in place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Americans are now three generations into a set of policies that, on the one hand, provide open-ended subsidies for sprawl and, on the other, do little to ameliorate the problems of the urban core \u2014 and maybe even aggravate them. Over time, this has come to seem like an unalterable fact of life and the work of the invisible hand of the market. But in this case, the hand is being nudged by Uncle Sam.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2095\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36716\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration-1280x1788.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration-640x894.jpg 640w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration-1100x1536.jpg 1100w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-full-illustration-1466x2048.jpg 1466w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"><cite><a href=\"https:\/\/www.alexgreen-illustration.co.uk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Alex Green \/ Folio Art<\/a><\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-1tOAR1 wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tWhat Happened in St. Louis?\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">Photos of St. Louis <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rentcafe.com\/blog\/rental-market\/real-estate-news\/st-louis-then-and-now-in-photos\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">comparing<\/a> how the city looked in the 1920s to how it looks today show a dramatically different layout.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 1926, St. Louis was a dense city, not so different from its European counterparts, packed with tenements and factory buildings right up to the Mississippi River. It had neighborhoods with rowhouses made with bricks from the red clay taken from the nearby river valley, neighborhoods anchored by immigrant churches, and a system of streetcars. The city then was not so different from older East Coast cities like Boston or Philadelphia, and by extension like European cities of the time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1194\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36720\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-1.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-1-1280x1019.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-1-640x509.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Downtown St. Louis, circa 1926: with dense housing right up to the Missouri riverfront &#8230;<br><cite>Missouri Historical Society<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p>Today, St. Louis has a totally different look. It\u2019s been hollowed out to a shocking extent. The population of the city proper has <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rentcafe.com\/blog\/rental-market\/real-estate-news\/st-louis-then-and-now-in-photos\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">dropped from<\/a> nearly 900,000 in 1950 to 300,000 today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1000\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36721\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-2.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-2-1280x853.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-1-2-640x427.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">&#8230; and today: a place where you work, drive, and go to the park, but not where life is lived<br><cite>iStock<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>True, there are some notable landmarks downtown, such as sports stadiums and, of course, the Gateway Arch. But the most noticeable change is that much of what was previously neighborhoods \u2014 full of houses, shops, and businesses, which, whatever their shortcomings, represented urban living \u2014 is now unlivable space. Much of it is occupied by superhighways that connect the downtown to the sprawling suburbs, where most of the population resides. More of the space is accounted for by parking lots, which <a href=\"https:\/\/parkingreform.org\/resources\/parking-lot-map\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">take up over a quarter<\/a> of the downtown land. And a large amount of downtown St. Louis today is simply open unused land.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>St. Louis is like many other U.S. cities. Its urban form is one that most Americans, over the decades, have gotten used to \u2014 a core with some big buildings surrounded by sparse, rundown, and unsafe neighborhoods, connected via highways to spread-out suburbs containing the majority of the population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It didn\u2019t have to be this way. It isn\u2019t in Europe. As a point of comparison, St. Louis\u2019s metro population \u2014 that is, the population of the entire built-up area of St. Louis city and the surrounding suburbs and exurbs \u2014 is roughly <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.chapman.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/56\/2025\/06\/Demographia-World-Urban-2025.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">2.2 million<\/a>, similar to that of the Cologne and Bonn region in Germany, but it is spread out over an area three times the size.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Something happened to St. Louis between the 1920s and today that diminished its downtown and led its population out to the suburbs and exurbs \u2014 something that Cologne escaped even though almost <a href=\"https:\/\/bigthink.com\/strange-maps\/air-war-germany-map\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">three quarters<\/a> of it was destroyed by Allied bombing in World War II.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A crucial part of that something is federal government policy.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-DcouG wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tThe Role of Uncle Sam\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">The prewar development of St. Louis was mostly guided by the free market. As historian Mark Gelfand <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/nationofcitiesfe0000gelf_p8n6\/page\/n15\/mode\/2up\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">writes<\/a> in <em>A Nation of Cities<\/em>, in 1920 \u201cnot a single dollar of federal expenditures\u201d was spent on municipal affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But two long-term trends converged to produce a sea change in American cities that would lead to a federal role in urban development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The first trend was demographic. In 1920, the urban population outnumbered the rural for the first time. American cities had become the industrial engines of growth, drawing millions of workers not only from the countryside but also from Europe and beyond.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The second trend was indeed the rise of the automobile. As with <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/publications\/if-you-build-it-will-they-come\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">horses, streetcars, and commuter rail before<\/a>, cars altered the urban form when they became economically obtainable for the middle class. They allowed workers to live in suburbs twenty miles or more out of town, connected only by highway.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Fearful of the living conditions of people crowded into tenements in these booming cities, Congress passed the Housing Act of 1937, which would be refined and broadened in 1949, the product of years of lobbying by progressive reformers and housing advocates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ironically, the aim of the progressive reformers who shaped this New Deal\u2013era legislation was to <em>save<\/em> cities, by building new, gleaming, modernist urban cores with spacious, clean, well-lit housing for the broader middle class. But when all was said and done, they instead hastened the rise of the suburbs and the exurbs and the decline of the inner city.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For example, the 1949 law would facilitate the razing of St. Louis\u2019s Desoto Park and Carr Square <a href=\"https:\/\/www.stlmag.com\/history\/what-happened-to-carr-square\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">neighborhoods<\/a> \u2014 and similar immigrant and black neighborhoods around the country \u2014 as well as the construction in their place of Pruitt\u2013Igoe, a project so ill-fated that it was torn down within 20 years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"919\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36728\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-1280x784.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-640x392.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Pruitt\u2013Igoe, the \u201cinfamous\u201d projects of St. Louis, built in the 1950s &#8230;<br><cite>Wikimedia Commons<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For anyone familiar with the history of American cities, Pruitt\u2013Igoe stands out as the archetype of the ghettoization, dysfunction, and undesirability associated with federal projects. It was envisioned as revitalizing the heart of the city and upgrading the existing neighborhoods, which were deemed to have substandard and backward housing stock. A series of towers, it was planned by leading architects according to the latest thinking from the social engineers of the day. In the end, they not only failed to improve the inner-city neighborhoods but ultimately destroyed the possibility of any neighborhood in the area.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1184\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-collapses.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36727\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-collapses.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-collapses-1280x1010.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-Pruitt-Igoe-collapses-640x505.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">&#8230; and torn down in the 1970s<br><cite>Wikimedia Commons<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-22sBXO wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tThe Progressives\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">The problem, in the eyes of the progressives, was slums.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In her 1934 book <em><a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/in.ernet.dli.2015.493106\/page\/%E0%A7%AE0\/mode\/2up\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Modern Housing<\/a><\/em>, considered the intellectual impetus for the federal legislation to follow, public housing advocate Catherine Bauer condemned the urban neighborhoods of the day, which were filled with migrants from abroad and, increasingly, the black South. The first order of business, she wrote, was to stop the construction of new slums. The second was to set \u201can entirely new standard of urban environment\u201d via public housing, one that had no place for a Boston triple-decker or a New York tenement but instead ensured that all housing was built to a standard that would eliminate overcrowding and promote social hygiene.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In fact, New York City, which as a modern megacity was at the vanguard of urban trends, had already enacted several major building code laws \u2014 a legal novelty \u2014 meant to regulate tenements. But Bauer and her progressive allies blamed the ubiquitous dumbbell-shaped apartments for crime, disease, and political corruption. And she and her allies viewed code enforcement, the preferred route of private industry for rejuvenating run-down neighborhoods, as insufficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For that reason, the progressive housing movement entailed not just a refurbishing or upgrading of the housing already present in the years before the Great Depression, but a wholesale replacement along modernist lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>At the time, urban modernism was gaining intellectual currency thanks in large part to a group of planners and designers led most prominently by the French-Swiss architect known as Le Corbusier. Le Corbusier envisioned cities totally remade along scientific-rationalist lines, and even called for tearing down much of Paris and replacing it with modernist structures. His idea of the \u201cVille Radieuse,\u201d a blueprint for a city built with wide boulevards and tall apartment blocks spaced out to allow for ample green spaces, inspired plans for cities all over the world, including Bras\u00edlia and Chandigarh. The modernist vision would be the intellectual scaffolding that progressives used for remaking American cities through law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>At the heart of the progressive criticism of the neighborhoods of the day was the idea that slums caused social ills such as disease, crime, and poverty. This was a faulty pathologization \u2014 the slums may have been associated with those problems, but they did not cause them \u2014 that lives on in popular mythology today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It is true that the neighborhoods of East Coast cities were disease-ridden by today\u2019s standards, on top of being plagued by crime and political corruption. But the far bigger factor than crowding in accounting for the ill health of the early-20th-century slums was the <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.ubc.ca\/internationalwaters\/files\/2017\/03\/The-role-of-public-health-improvements-in-health-advances-the-twentieth-century-United-States.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">lack of access<\/a> to clean water. And the recent experience of Covid, which hit rural areas just as hard as cities, indicates that it is not density per se \u2014 in the sense that city planners use the term, to mean the number of people in a given unit of land area \u2014 that facilitates the spread of airborne disease (although it does suggest that the poor ventilation of tenement buildings was a problem).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Similarly, it is not density that breeds crime. The success of New York City, America\u2019s one true megacity, in the Giuliani and Bloomberg eras demonstrated that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Nevertheless, the eradication of slums and reworking of the city was the goal of the progressive reformer. Edith Elmer Wood, a housing reformer who would, like Catherine Bauer, go on to influence the 1937 bill and serve in the United States Housing Authority it created, was motivated in part by the fact that she had experience seeing tuberculosis while living in Puerto Rico. As a response, she wrote a building code for San Juan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For Wood, the goal <a href=\"https:\/\/www.huduser.gov\/portal\/sites\/default\/files\/pdf\/Public-housing-in-US-1985.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">was to turn<\/a> all housing into a public utility, to allow central planners to control the standards for workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1242\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36732\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-1.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-1-1280x1060.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-1-640x530.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Washington Avenue, St. Louis, in 1906 &#8230;<br><cite>Missouri Historical Society<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1239\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36733\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-2.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-2-1280x1057.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-2-2-640x529.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">&#8230; and today<br><cite>Google Maps<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-Z2qVP40 wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tThe Laws That Remade Urban America\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">On their own, progressive reformers like Bauer and Wood could not have gotten federal slum clearance and public housing legislation passed. Throughout the 1930s, homebuilders and other business groups, already on high alert for activist government thanks to the New Deal, were staunchly opposed to public provision of housing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A few factors, though, sufficiently brought around business interests for the passage of the 1937 bill, after years of wrangling.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The first was a sense on the part of city-based businesses and mayors that action was needed to prevent the decline of center cities. The advent of the suburbs had raised the threat of competition. By the 1930s, some major cities, including Boston, Philadelphia, and St. Louis, were losing population. Worse than crowded slums, to businessmen, was urban blight: that is, areas that, atop whatever social ills were associated with them, were no longer economically productive or tax-producing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>To save the cities, mayors and business owners turned to the car. A <a href=\"https:\/\/babel.hathitrust.org\/cgi\/pt?id=uva.x000644505&amp;seq=16\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">representative<\/a> 1946 Urban Land Institute report from business leaders, including realtors, builders, and planners, endorsed parking as a way to save downtowns. It endorsed zoning rules to require parking and treating parking as a public utility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The mayor of Detroit, for example, <a href=\"https:\/\/cup.columbia.edu\/book\/the-metropolitan-revolution\/9780231133739\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">said<\/a> that \u201chighways would lure residents of neighboring areas to shop\u201d downtown and would \u201cretard the decentralization of business into suburban areas which pay no Detroit taxes.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The received wisdom was that older cities had to rival the malls and industrial parks offered by the suburbs, said Howard Husock, a housing expert at the American Enterprise Institute and the author of <em>The Projects: A New History of Public Housing<\/em>, in a phone interview.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cSo the whole layout of the city was altered by the focus on the automobile, easy parking, easy commuting via automobile,\u201d he said. Of course, planners then did not consider how prioritizing auto mobility <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/publications\/if-you-build-it-will-they-come\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">could undercut overall accessibility<\/a> by reducing the number of desirable destinations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The second factor that appealed to business owners in the legislation was that it was drafted to limit public housing construction. The 1937 bill stipulated that the construction of public housing units, which would be subsidized by the federal government in the form of capital grants or loans to public housing authorities, must be matched one-for-one by the removal of slum units. The inclusion of this \u201cequivalent elimination\u201d measure guaranteed limits to public housing and thus won the support of commercial landlords, who were otherwise fearful of competition from the government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Furthermore, to prevent competition with private landlords, the statute put income caps on families that qualified for public housing, saying that their income could not exceed five times the rent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Those provisions ensured that federally supported public housing would be oriented toward low-income families and necessarily economical, not built for the broader working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>That wasn\u2019t necessarily a problem, at the beginning, for reform-minded housing advocates. Guidelines implemented by the United States Housing Authority led local authorities to produce standardized modernist architecture using bricks, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jchs.harvard.edu\/sites\/default\/files\/w12-5_von_hoffman.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">according to<\/a> Alexander von Hoffman, a researcher at Harvard\u2019s Joint Center for Housing Studies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But, over time, the fact that public housing was tied to poverty from the moment it arrived in the United States would lead it to be associated with a range of social issues, especially urban disorder and racial tension. Even the brick construction itself came to be widely associated with poor people\u2019s housing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>And subsequent legislative updates would make it even less like the modernist housing for all classes envisioned by the likes of Bauer and Wood. The National Association of Real Estate Boards, the influential trade group representing realtors, succeeded in blocking the Housing Authority\u2019s request for additional funding beyond what was authorized in the 1937 bill, ensuring that public housing constructed under that legislation would be limited to less than 100,000 units. It then began working on draft legislation that would transform the program into a much larger anti-blight effort to be carried out by the private sector only. They sought around $40 billion \u2014 on the order of $1 trillion in today\u2019s dollars \u2014 to be provided by the federal government to help tear down all the blighted areas around the country and have them rebuilt in a manner that would allow center cities to compete in the auto age.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>While the industry did not agree with the housing reformers on the need for public housing, they did align on the idea that cities needed radical top-down transformation: A 1941 report by the National Association of Real Estate Boards called on the federal government to spurn any \u201cpiecemeal attack on the housing question which ignores the basic need of planning.\u201d It also called for creating federal\u2013local partnerships that would harness the financial power of Washington and the eminent-domain powers of localities to transform entire areas at industrial scale \u2014 the only scale sufficient to address the problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Urban planners, too, led by the prominent planner and zoning expert Alfred Bettman, sought to reorient federal efforts toward the total overhaul of cities. He was part of a group that, according to Mark Gelfand, saw in U.S. cities only \u201cthe inappropriate street patterns,&#8230; obsolete business districts, and aging factories.\u201d Bettman and planners \u201cdreamed of using the program to reshape American cities in a new image. In this latter view, adapting the city to the automobile would necessitate extensive realignment of urban land uses, such as converting a decaying residential neighborhood into a shopping center with acres of parking space.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The radical ambitions of the realtors and the planners, though, were tempered by the influence of a Republican senator from Ohio, Robert Taft, who chaired a subcommittee on housing and urban redevelopment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A key report from Taft stated that federal aid would be provided only to projects that were \u201cpredominantly residential.\u201d It was a major defeat for planners who hoped to redo cities altogether, instead limiting the scope mainly to housing. Taft, a fiscal conservative who would later engineer <a href=\"https:\/\/www.politico.com\/story\/2009\/02\/gop-will-have-to-take-fiscal-risks-019190\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">arguably the only significant cut<\/a> to federal spending in the modern era, believed that the federal government\u2019s role extended only to slum clearance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The concept of more subsidies for public housing also alienated business groups like the American Bankers Association, which did not want to be put into competition with the federal government. They were able to block passage of the bill for four more years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But the revamped housing bill passed in 1949, establishing for the first time the goal of the federal government to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.govinfo.gov\/content\/pkg\/COMPS-10349\/pdf\/COMPS-10349.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">ensure<\/a> \u201ca decent home and a suitable living environment for every American family.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This is a point to emphasize: At the beginning of the prewar period, the focus of Congress and stakeholders was on urban renewal and public housing to ensure that American cities could provide affordable and adequate housing for the country. They had no such lofty ambitions for the various laws that they were enacting at the same time that created insurance for mortgage lending. Yet the mortgage programs would, over time, become the far bigger influence on American patterns of development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The 1949 law boosted funding for slum clearance, and set a goal of the creation of more than 800,000 affordable housing units over the next six years. It further limited public housing to lower-income earners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Title I of the law, providing funding for slum clearance, was to be the authority by which neighborhoods across the U.S. were torn down.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It was the law that allowed for numerous projects undertaken by Robert Moses in New York City that significantly altered a number of neighborhoods. It also provided for slum clearance in the black DeSoto\u2013Carr neighborhood of St. Louis to allow for the Pruitt\u2013Igoe complex. This was just one of over <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nber.org\/system\/files\/working_papers\/w17458\/revisions\/w17458.rev0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">2,000 urban renewal projects<\/a> it funded across the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The law was a sort of ugly compromise between the demands of progressive reformers who wanted to improve the housing stock in line with their own ideals, city planners who wanted to rationalize the layout of the city, and businessmen and mayors who wanted to reverse the decline of center cities relative to suburbs by enticing those with money to live and work downtown.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>That proved to be too many goals in tension with each other. \u201cSeldom has such a variegated crew of would-be angels tried to sit on the same pin at the same time,\u201d reformer Catherine Bauer would <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/futureofcitiesur0000chur\/page\/n5\/mode\/2up\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">write<\/a> a few years later, when it was starting to become clear that the hopes she and other reformers had placed on the legislation would not be realized. The 1937 and 1949 laws were originally envisioned as leading to the construction of the gleaming Le Corbusier\u2013style radiant cities. But, after their provisions were reworked and twisted to mollify all the interests who had a say in the legislative process and implementation, the provisions of the laws ended up having a much different effect. They cashed out as public housing projects for the poor, like Pruitt\u2013Igoe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The value of those projects would come into question soon after they were constructed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1118\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36736\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-1.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-1-1280x954.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-1-640x477.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Grand Boulevard, St. Louis, in 1925 &#8230;<br><cite>Missouri Historical Society<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1119\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-2-v2.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36739\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-2-v2.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-2-v2-1280x955.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-3-2-v2-640x477.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">&#8230; and today<br><cite>Google Maps<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-pa2Hb wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tThe Fate of the Projects\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">Some of the projects created by federal urban renewal were initially well received and even beloved by the first wave of residents. One early resident of Pruitt\u2013Igoe, for instance, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aei.org\/op-eds\/the-golden-age-of-public-housing-and-why-it-didnt-last\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">called<\/a> it \u201ca big beautiful place, like a big hotel resort.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But it didn\u2019t last. Many projects backed by the federal government, and thus geared toward poor families, degraded relatively quickly and fell out of favor with both the people they were supposed to benefit and with the government and the public. (Some non-federal housing projects were reserved for better-off families and aged better.) Pruitt\u2013Igoe itself, a project of 33 eleven-story towers set on 57 acres, was celebrated at first as an achievement of modernism. It was intended to be a mix of low-income and middle-income families, and segregated. But after segregation was banned, it eventually became exclusively black and poor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It developed a reputation as a magnet for crime and dysfunction, and the picture of a dangerous urban \u201cghetto,\u201d AEI\u2019s Howard Husock told me.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It is worth noting that the association of the inner city with gangs and crime that holds in America is not universal. In France, for instance, it is the \u201cbanlieue\u201d suburbs of large cities like Paris and Lyon that have bad reputations. Here, the crime wave of the 1960s explains much of the subsequent flight to the suburbs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Federal support for the public housing aspect of urban policy, then, began to fade not long after the passage of the 1949 law that spurred thousands of public housing projects. Even in 1954, Congress was already chipping away, passing a housing act that allowed for-profit housing to be part of the mix in projects that involved slum clearance. With the added force of the crime wave to come, by 1973 President Richard Nixon was specifically citing Pruitt\u2013Igoe as an example of a \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.presidency.ucsb.edu\/documents\/special-message-the-congress-proposing-legislation-and-outlining-administration-actions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">federal slum<\/a>\u201d in announcing a moratorium on new public housing projects, soon after demolition of the project commenced.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The moratorium, and legislation that would follow, firmly put the federal government on a trajectory away from public housing. The stock of public housing has stagnated or declined <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/crs-product\/RL34591\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">since 1980<\/a>, while the federal government\u2019s support for affordable housing has shifted in the direction of providing vouchers or subsidizing units through the tax code or credit programs. Today, the concept of federal housing projects is largely an anachronism, and Congress, if anything, is likely to accelerate the shift away from managing units in the years to come.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-1sLfVG wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tWhat Killed the Projects\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">Why did the federal public housing program have such a short lifespan?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The utopian vision for public housing could never compete with the programs set up in the New Deal to promote private housing. In 1932, Congress created the Federal Home Loan Banks to increase bank home lending. In 1934, it created the Federal Housing Administration, which began to insure mortgages, providing lenders protection from default and increasing overall funding, including for multifamily development. In 1938, the government also created Fannie Mae, then a government entity, to create a secondary market for the loans insured by the Housing Administration. The government\u2019s involvement in mortgage finance would ramp up massively at the end of the war. The Servicemen\u2019s Readjustment Act of 1944, better known as the GI Bill, paved the way for the standardization of the thirty-year mortgage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>After 1949, the suburbs dominated the inner cities in growth \u2014 by a factor of ten, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jchs.harvard.edu\/sites\/default\/files\/media\/imp\/von_hoffman_w02-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">according to<\/a> Alexander von Hoffman. More than half of the suburban homes built after the war were partly financed by federal mortgage instruments. The rise of the suburbs was aided too by the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, which led to the construction of superhighways out of downtowns into the suburbs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By 1970, just before Nixon\u2019s moratorium on public housing, the United States had become a plurality suburban nation. In the years since, it\u2019s become majority suburban, and the government\u2019s role in mortgage finance is <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/publications\/how-the-government-built-the-american-dream-house\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">larger than ever<\/a>, and an outlier by international standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Between 1934 and 1960, homebuyers in St. Louis County took out almost <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aei.org\/op-eds\/the-golden-age-of-public-housing-and-why-it-didnt-last\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">64,000 mortgages<\/a>, compared to only about 12,000 in the city.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This trend both caused segregation and in part was driven by it. The availability of mortgages to upwardly mobile families aided them in their quest to get out of the center city \u2014 and in St. Louis\u2019s case, into a different nearby municipality altogether. At the same time, it left blacks more isolated in the center cities and more likely to end up in public housing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>One factor to be considered, Husock told me, is that the availability of public or subsidized housing undercut landlords and sapped the vitality of other, healthier neighborhoods. And the presence of giant crime-ridden, ill-kept projects gave the city center a bad name, spurring families to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cI have to believe that was just so polarizing, centrifugal, that it pushed people out to the suburbs,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1143\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36741\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-1.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-1-1280x975.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-1-640x488.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">St. Louis\u2019s riverfront, in 1919 &#8230;<br><cite>Wikimedia Commons<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image alignwide size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1011\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-36742\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-2.jpg 1500w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-2-1280x863.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Lawler-St.-Louis-4-2-640x431.jpg 640w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">&#8230; and today<br><cite>Andre Jenny \/ Alamy<\/cite><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-17ANYO wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tWho Lost?\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">Urban planners, historians, economists, and others have not arrived at a consensus regarding what was lost when historic neighborhoods were torn down at the bidding of the federal government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The scant econometric studies that have been conducted on the outcomes of urban renewal are not conclusive, and suggest that the projects might even have been modestly helpful to cities overall in terms of median incomes, population, property values, and other economic variables. It\u2019s also true that cities undertook many slum clearance and redevelopment projects without federal backing, and that some cities, like Houston, spurned federal funding altogether.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On the other hand, it appears that urban renewal likely contributed to segregation \u2014 a situation in which black poverty became associated with the inner city and projects \u2014 while spurring white flight. Famously, civil rights activist James Baldwin in the early 1960s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/1963\/05\/30\/archives\/tv-challenge-on-racism-james-baldwin-puts-problem-squarely-in-the.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">complained that<\/a> \u201curban renewal means Negro removal.\u201d Of the roughly 1 million people that were displaced by urban renewal projects, <a href=\"https:\/\/ij-org-re.s3.amazonaws.com\/ijdevsitestage\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/03\/Perspectives-Fullilove.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">roughly two thirds<\/a> were black.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>They lost, both financially and culturally. It is far from clear that they were moved from slum living to quality housing. Many who were supposed to be relocated to new projects never were and instead ended up in neighborhoods into which they were never integrated, and many received <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nber.org\/system\/files\/chapters\/c3351\/c3351.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">compensation below<\/a> what they lost, meaning they bore the costs of the renewal efforts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meanwhile, some locations that were spared from renewal have gone on to become some of the most desirable real estate in the country, such as parts of Brooklyn\u2019s Park Slope, or Boston\u2019s South End.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Husock called the failure of the planners of yesteryear to imagine the success of those neighborhoods the \u201csnapshot fallacy.\u201d The planners condemned neighborhoods based on their struggles at one point in time, not realizing that they could come back to life and compete with the suburbs if cities had kept them clean and safe.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-2b6ngc wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\tWhat Could Have Been\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">At the dawn of federal housing policy, central planners decided on slum clearance and subsidized public housing as the path to pursue for cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>They could have chosen a different route, Alexander von Hoffman, of the Joint Center for Housing Studies, told me in a phone interview. They could have promoted homeownership, rather than rental housing. They could have embraced plans, offered by the private housing industry, to focus on enforcing building codes and rehabilitating run-down housing, thereby enlisting the private sector in rejuvenating neighborhoods. Or, they even \u201ccould have done nothing.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Other countries have indeed chosen different paths. Indonesia, for example, avoided bulldozing \u201ckampungs,\u201d or informal settlements, and instead, <a href=\"https:\/\/mirror.unhabitat.org\/cdrom\/docs\/WUF7.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">since 1969<\/a>, has sought to integrate them into formal housing by providing roads, clean water, and sanitation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the end, though, the American push for rationally designed new cities of modernist housing failed because it was led by central planners who lacked a constituency for their designs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cThe attempt to revive downtown was to a certain degree contrary to the prevailing trend in American lifestyles,\u201d the historian Jon Teaford told me by email. \u201cAmericans in the postwar era wanted development that provided ample parking, was deemed safe, and was racially homogeneous. Mortgage guarantees fit the bill, urban renewal projects less so.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A critical point is that the urban workers of the first half of the century, many of whom were new to the city, chose to live in low-quality housing because it meant opportunity. By condemning the cheap housing of the day as slums and demanding that housing be constructed to certain standards, planners mandated that families maintain a certain level of housing consumption. The 1949 Housing Act guaranteed American families higher housing standards, but failed to recognize that many families were willing to crowd into dumbbell-style apartments or triple-deckers if it meant access to better jobs or a friendly community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Catherine Bauer, whose work helped build the reality we have now, ironically foretold this outcome in 1934 in her book <em>Modern Housing<\/em>. She wrote then that European governments had built newer and better public housing because labor and the public had demanded it: \u201chousing was not bestowed from the top down in Europe any more than it ever will be in America,\u201d she wrote.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Those words proved true, just not in the sense she meant. Americans never did want public housing financed by the federal government. In the decades since it first became available, the only people who\u2019ve lived in it are those who did not have much choice. And even they are fewer in number every year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Instead, workers and the public opted by the tens of millions to take up the other offer from the federal government, using subsidized mortgages to finance private home buying. Although three generations later this choice seems like one that Americans continue to freely make, it was largely predetermined: the government\u2019s failed public housing reform forced the market\u2019s hand. The result of all this was the transformation of the United States into the suburban nation we see today.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"lazyblock-section-break-XqhqL wp-block-lazyblock-section-break\"><div class=\"block-tna-section-break mt-12 pt-2 mb-6\">\r\n  <div class=\"mb-12 pb-2 flex justify-center\">\r\n    <svg class=\"fill-current\" height=\"1\" width=\"91\" viewBox=\"0 0 91 1\">\r\n      <path d=\"M91 .5L62.706 1H28.447L0 .5 28.447 0h34.259L91 .5z\"\/>\r\n    <\/svg>\r\n  <\/div>\r\n\t<h5 class=\"leading-none font-callunasans font-bold text-center text-almost-black text-lg\">\r\n\t\t\t<\/h5>\r\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n<h5 class=\"has-text-align-center\"><strong>The series &#8220;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/collections\/the-lonely-neighborhood\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">The Lonely Neighborhood<\/a>,&#8221; featuring original reporting on how U.S. housing policy is failing us, will continue in a future issue.<\/strong><br><br><strong>Subscribe now.<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:42px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"is-layout-flex wp-block-buttons justify-center\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button aligncenter font-callunasans uppercase font-bold text-lg tracking-wider is-style-outline\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"\/subscribe\" style=\"border-radius:0px;background-color:#004d8f\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Subscribe<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Think of what the typical American city looks like today: its hollowed-out core dotted with parking lots, its run-down inner-city neighborhoods, its sprawl. How did this happen? Cities weren\u2019t like this a hundred years ago. They were real cities in the sense in which most people would understand the word, with jobs, businesses, houses, churches, and every other institution related to daily life concentrated around a dense center. Today, cities are almost the inverse of that, with a large population settled out in sprawl, and a hollowed-out center where far fewer people live. Conversations about this transformation typically collapse into&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":19,"featured_media":36715,"template":"","article_type":[13],"noteworthy_people":[],"topics":[5002,5001],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/36522"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/article"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/19"}],"version-history":[{"count":29,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/36522\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":36959,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article\/36522\/revisions\/36959"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/36715"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=36522"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"article_type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article_type?post=36522"},{"taxonomy":"noteworthy_people","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/noteworthy_people?post=36522"},{"taxonomy":"topics","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thenewatlantis.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/topics?post=36522"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}